Y llawysgrifau
Ceir copi o’r gerdd hon mewn 7 llawysgrif, a phrin iawn yw’r gwahaniaethau rhyngddynt. (Cwpled agoriadol yn unig a geir yn Pen 221.) Gallwn dybio bod y tri chopi hynaf, LlGC 3049D, Gwyn 4 a Pen 77, yn tarddu o’r un gynsail, ac mae tystiolaeth cerddi eraill Guto yn awgrymu’n gryf mai llawysgrif goll o Ddyffryn Conwy oedd hon. O’r tri chopi hyn y deillia’r holl gopïau eraill.

Os oes gwahaniaeth yn narlleniadau LlGC 3049D, Gwyn 4 a Pen 77 tueddwyd i dderbyn tystiolaeth y mwyafrif, gan roi nodyn lle ni wnaethpwyd hynny. Hefyd roedd copïydd anhysbys y testun yn LlGC 3049D, ac i raddau llai William Salesbury yn Gwyn 4, yn fwy tueddol o gadw darlleniadau X¹ (ceir gan y ddau ohonynt olion orgraff hŷn yn aml), tra bod Thomas Wiliems yn tueddu i safoni a chywiro (e.e. 15n, 31n, a cf. y modd y mae LlGC 3049D a Gwyn 4 yn cadw’r ffurf lafar llyfre yn 29, tra bod Thomas Wiliems yn safoni’r ffurf a darllen llyfrav). Os oes un o’r tair yn cadw ffurf fwy hynafol, yna cedwir y darlleniad hwnnw yn y testun golygedig (cf. 1n).

Trawsysgrifiadau: LlGC 3049D, Gwyn 4 a Pen 77.

Stema

1 pei  Cf. Pen 77; pe a geir yn LlGC 3049D a Gwyn 4. Gwelir o’r enghreifftiau yn GPC 2704 mai pei yw’r ffurf hynaf a dichon i honno gael ei ddiweddaru.

10 Egwestl  Dilynir LlGC 3049D; gthg. Gwyn 4, Pen 77 egwystl. Egwestl a geir yn y tair yn llinell 60, a safonir ar y ffurf honno yma hefyd.

13 esmwythach fis ym  Darlleniad LlGC 3049D a Gwyn; gthg. Pen 77 esmwythach ym vis, sy’n gystrawennol haws (gan na threiglir enw yn dilyn ansoddair gradd cymharol), ond yn anfoddhaol o ran y gynghanedd. Dehonglir fis yn adferfol, er mwyn esbonio’r treiglad, ond tybed ai’r ffurf gysefin, mis, oedd yma’n wreiddiol?

15 Âb a chlog a rybuch wledd  Pen 77; cf. LlGC 3049D a bachloc a rybvch wledd, a’r geiriau wedi eu camrannu mae’n debyg yn X¹, oherwydd ceisiodd William Salesbury adfer y gynghanedd yn Gwyn 4 drwy ddarllen A bachlog o rhybuchlwledd, ond mae angen prifodl acennog yn y llinell hon ac nid yw bachlog yn hysbys.

16 o chais adwedd  Gwyn 4; i chais a geir yn Pen 77, ac mae LlGC 3049D yn aneglur – dichon mai i chais sydd yno, ond heb ddot ar yr i. Y cysylltair o sy’n rhoi’r ystyr orau, ac os derbynnir i, mae’n rhaid ei ddehongli fel y rhagenw blaen benywaidd (yn cyfeirio at yr enw benywaidd âb).

19 o ŵr  Cf. Gwyn 4; gthg. LlGC 3049D owir (a’r i yn aneglur – gall fod yn rhan o’r r gan nad oes dot uwch ei ben), a Pen 77 o wir, sy’n awgrymu mai o wir oedd darlleniad X¹. Os felly, derbynnir diwygiad Gwyn 4. Am gyfeiriadau pellach at yr Abad Dafydd fel gŵr du ei wallt, gw. 19n (esboniadol).

29 a’r llyfrau da  Dyma ddarlleniad pob llawysgrif; gthg. GGl a llyfrau da. Cynghanedd groes o gyswllt sydd yma, a’r r yn berfeddgoll.

31 yn eglwys  Cf. LlGC 3049D a Gwyn 4; gthg. Pen 77 vwch eglwys. Ceisiodd Thomas Wiliems gryfhau’r ystyr yn Pen 77, drwy ystyried awdurdod yr abad uwch (= dros) y fynachlog.

35 i’r maes  Cf. LlGC 3049D a Gwyn 4; gthg. Pen 77 o’r maes. Cyfeirio at wasgaru’r mes ar y tir a wneir.

53 lle’r … lloriau  Gwyn 4; gthg. LlGC 3049D ler …loriav, Pen 77 le’r … loriau. O blaid cadw’r ffurf dreigledig mae’r cymeriad â’r llinell nesaf (A’i lef …); ond ll..r yw cymeriad y cwpled canlynol, ac ar sail hynny, a’r ffaith fod y ffurf dreigledig yma’n swnio’n chwithig, dilynir Gwyn 4.

Molir yr Abad Dafydd ab Ieuan yn benodol yn y cywydd hwn fel hwsmon da (32) a’i ofal dros yr adeilad yng Nglyn-y-groes. Cyfeirir at waith yr abad yn adnewyddu adeilad y fynachlog a’i reolaeth ar y tir sy’n darparu adnoddau angenrheidiol ar gyfer rhedeg yr abaty yn effeithlon, boed yn goed adeiladu neu’n fwyd. Manylir hefyd ar y modd y defnyddiodd yr abad goed o Fron Hyrddin, ar bwys y fynachlog, i greu to neu nenfwd hardd i’r adeilad (34), a disgrifir y coed mân sydd eisoes yn tyfu o’r mes y plannodd yr abad yn eu lle. Mae’n rheolwr da ar ei goedwigoedd, felly, yn sicrhau cyflenwad o goed at anghenion y dyfodol. Yn yr un modd, o safbwynt ei ddoniau fel amaethwr darbodus, mae’n sicrhau bod digon o ŷd mewn stôr gan y fynachlog i barhau am dair blynedd (37–40).

Mae’n amlwg fod yr Abad Dafydd wedi bod yn gyfrifol am gryn dipyn o waith ar adeilad yr abaty: newyddodd yw’r gair a ddefnyddia Guto (47), sy’n awgrymu gwaith ailadeiladu neu adnewyddu yn benodol. Cyfeirir at y modd y bu deuddeg o seiri yn gweithio ar Ei dŷ … a’i do a’i frig (48) gan greu neuadd gerfiedig (neuadd fawrnadd, 49) i’r abaty a lledu ei do (50). Gwnaeth y to newydd hwn argraff ar Gutun Owain yntau sy’n cyfeirio at y nenn gowraint a ’nai ’n gaeroc, GO XXVII.46.

Fel yn achos y cerddi eraill i’r abad, nid oes unrhyw gyfeiriad yn y gerdd hon a allai fod yn gymorth i ni ei dyddio’n fwy manwl nag i gyfnod abadaeth Dafydd, sef rhwng c.1480 a 1503. Fodd bynnag mae’n amlwg fod yr abad wedi bod yn ei swydd am rai blynyddoedd o leiaf ac wedi gwneud ei farc: nid yn unig mae llawer o waith adeiladu wedi ei gwblhau dan ei arweinyddiaeth, ond hefyd mae’r mes y bu iddo eu plannu hefyd bellach wedi tyfu’n wŷdd. Yn llinellau agoriadol y cywydd mynega Guto ei fwriad i deithio i’r abaty at yr abad (Mi af at Arglwydd Ddafydd, 6) gan gyfeirio at y daith yno o Drefor yn nhermau pererindod fel petai dros fôr i Rufain (1–4). Cyfeiria ymhellach at leoliad y fynachlog fry (48), ac er ein bod yn gorfod bod yn ofalus wrth ddehongli cyfeiriadau o’r fath, gallant awgrymu nad yn y fynachlog ei hun y canodd Guto’r cywydd hwn, fel y dadleuwyd yn achos cerddi 110 a 111. Mae’n ddigon posibl mai nod y gerdd (o dan nawdd Dafydd) oedd codi ymwybyddiaeth o effeithiolrwydd Dafydd fel abad yn y gymuned, ac o bosibl i ddenu rhagor o nawdd i’r abaty gan uchelwyr lleol.

Dyddiad
Gw. uchod: o bosibl c.1483–8.

Golygiadau blaenorol
GGl cerdd CXVI; CTC cerdd 61.

Mesur a chynghanedd
Cywydd, 64 llinell.
Cynghanedd: croes 69% (44 llinell), traws 19% (12 llinell), sain 8% (5 llinell), llusg 4% (3 llinell).

3–4 Anturus fydd hynt tros fôr / O chaid Rhufain uwch Trefor!  Ymddengys fod Guto yn cyfeirio at y daith i abaty Glyn-y-groes yn nhermau pererindod, fel petai tros fôr i Rufain.

6 enaid rhydd  GPC 1212 ‘absolved or pardoned soul, one freed or acquitted by the church (through confession or penitence); one assured of being in a state of grace’, cf. GIBH 9.3–4 E gâi wan ac awenydd / Gennyd ras ac enaid rydd (i ffynnon Gwenfrewi). Cyfeirio a wna Guto at gyflwr ei enaid ei hun yn dilyn ymweliad â’r abaty.

7 urddau iad  Sef corun (iad) mynaich (urddau, gwŷr mewn urddau), yn cyfeirio at ben yr abad a oedd wedi ei eillio.

7–8 Gŵr a ddug, … / Gwyn a rhudd, gwinau rhoddiad  Defnyddir gwyn, rhudd yn aml gan y beirdd am win (cf. TA LV.46 Gwin a rôi hon, gwyn a rhudd), a dehonglir gwinau yma’n lluosog gwin, gw. GPC 1662. Ond mae gwinau ‘browngoch, rhuddgoch’, &c. hefyd yn digwydd yng nghyswllt diodydd (gw. ibid. cf. 113.21 Cawn feddyglyn gwyn a gwinau – fragod), ac mae’n bosibl hefyd mai fel cyfeiriad at ddiod frag o ryw fath y cyfeirir. Pa beth bynnag yw’r union ystyr, canmol gwasanaeth bwrdd yr abad a wneir. Yr un gŵr yw Gŵr a ddug â rhoddiad, sef yr abad.

10 Gwas Duw  Yn cyfateb i’r Lladin servus Dei, a ddefnyddid yn gyffredin am wasanaethwr Duw mewn tŷ crefydd: cf. geiriau Cynddelw Brydydd Mawr wrth fynegi bwriad i fod yn was Duw cyn wynebu’r farn, GCBM ii, 16.23–4 Kynn b6yf g6ann esgus g6ynn esgar, / B6yf g6as Du6, g6esti dialar a’r nodyn yn Charles-Edwards 1970–2: 259 sy’n dangos fod y cyfuniad yn cyfateb i’r gair meudwy (cf. 12) neu’r Wyddeleg mog Dé: ‘They all mean literally “servus Dei” but they are used for monks of the strict observance.’ Petai’r Abad Dafydd yn ei wneud yn fynach yng Nglyn-y-groes, mae Guto’n rhag-weld mai dyna fyddai ei enw. Cf. hefyd yr enw Ieuan Gwas Badrig.

10 o Lyn Egwestl  Ffurf dreigledig Glyn neu Llyn Egwestl: ceir y ddwy ffurf yn y farddoniaeth gan Guto a chan Gutun Owain; gw. 105.44n.

10 iach  Dilynir GPC 1994 sy’n rhestru’r llinell hon o dan yr ystyr ‘?ffrwythlon, llewyrchus’; ond byddai’r ystyr fwy arferol ‘iachusol’ yn addas hefyd i ddisgrifio arhosiad yn y fynachlog.

11 offis nofis  Gw. CistYork s.v. novice ‘A probationary member of the monastic community who was taught and supervised by the novice-master’, ac esbonnir ymhellach: ‘Anyone who wished to become a Cistercian monk had to undergo a trial period. In the first instance, he was admitted to the guesthouse as a postulant where, in accordance with the Rule of St Benedict, he remained for four days. He was then received within the monastery to begin a one-year testing period known as the novitiate. He was known as a novice.’

12 meudwy  Dichon mai ‘mynach’ yw’r ystyr yma (cf. 10n Gwas Duw), sef rhywun sydd wedi ymneilltuo o’r gymdeithas, yn hytrach nag ‘ancr, ermid’, sef ‘person sy’n byw o’r neilltu mewn unigedd er mwyn ei grefydd’, GPC 2448.

12 ysmudaf  Ffurf amrywiol, ond anghyffredin, ar y ferf symudaf: symudo, gw. GPC 3388.

14 blaidd hen gwan  Disgrifiad gan Guto ohono’i hun. Roedd blaidd yn un o’r termau traddodiadol am arwr o filwr. Bu Guto yn filwr yn gynharach yn ei yrfa, ond fel y cafodd ei atgoffa braidd yn greulon gan Syr Rhys yn ei ddychan ysgafn iddo, bellach Gwan a hen yw’r anghenfil, 101a.35. Diau mai’r gynghanedd sy’n gofyn am y drefn geiriau braidd yn anarferol yma (disgwylid hen flaidd gwan), ond mae’n bosibl fod blaidd hen yn hen gyfuniad traddodiadol: cyfeiria Lewys Môn at Fleddyn ap Cynfyn fel y Blaidd hen mewn cywydd i Edwart Trefor Fychan (GLM XXXV.20) a chyfeiria Dafydd Llwyd o Fathafarn at Llew, blaidd hen … a sarff fel Ceidwaid Ynys y Cedyrn mewn cerdd frud, GDLl 33.54–5.

15, 17 âb  Mae’n rhyfedd fod Guto’n cyfeirio ato’i hun yma fel epa. Tybed a oedd epaod yn anifeiliaid a gedwid gan abadau? Cf. cywydd gofyn âb ar ran Dâm Annes, abades Llan-llŷr, HCLl 70 Abades, o dduwies dda, / Llan-llŷr wen, llawn lloer yna. / Dâm Annes sy’n dymunaw / O bai i’ch llys, âb o’ch llaw.

18 Yn dilid un a dâl dau  Hynny yw mae Guto yn canlyn yr Abad Dafydd sy’n gyfwerth â dau abad. Ar talu ‘bod yn werth’, gw. GPC 3426 d.g. talaf: talu (e).

19 gŵr gloywddu  Un du ei wallt oedd yr Abad Dafydd, cf. 113.77n. Tybed ai ffordd anuniongyrchol o gyfeirio at ieuenctid yr abad yw hyn? Cf. yn arbennig GO XXVIII.1, 3–4 Davydd y gŵr dv divalch / … / Yr arglwydd … / A vag oes oni vo gwyn.

21 tŵr  Cyfeiriwyd at dŵr uchel Glyn-y-groes yn 111.58n. Cyfeiria yma, pars pro toto, at y fynachlog.

22 ail Asa  Cymherir yr abad ag esgob cyntaf Llanelwy, Asa Sant: cafodd mwy nag un abad o Lyn-y-groes ei ddyrchafu’n esgob Llanelwy, a dichon fod Guto’n ymwybodol o uchelgais Dafydd yntau i fod yn esgob, uchelgais a wireddwyd yn 1500, gw. Abad Dafydd ab Ieuan. Roedd y ddau Siôn Trefor a fu’n esgobion Llanelwy yn y bedwaredd ganrif ar ddeg yn perthyn i’r un llinach â Dafydd.

22 Eglwyseg  Enw ar drefgordd yn Llangollen ac enw’r afon fechan sy’n llifo heibio i’r fynachlog ac yn ymuno ag afon Dyfrdwy ychydig i’r dwyrain ym Mhentrefelin. Ymddengys mai Eglwysegl oedd ffurf wreiddiol yr enw, tarddair o’r Lladin ecclesicula, ffurf fachigol ecclesia: cf. WATU 64 a’r ffurf Eggloyssegle a geir yn Arolwg 1315 o diroedd Iâl a Brwmffild, Ellis 1924: 108. Y ffurf Eglwyseg yn unig a geir gan y beirdd. Fe’i defnyddir yma am Lyn-y-groes.

23 Edn i Grist a Duw ’n ei grys  Gall y trosiad awgrymu bod gwisg yr abad (ei grys) fel plu gwyn aderyn, neu gyfeirio at ddoniau cerddorol yr abad, fel y gwna yng ngherdd Lewys Glyn Cothi i Dduw, GLGC 1.76, 78–80 d’eos wyf, dy was ufydd … / dy geiliog ym mhob plwyf, / dy gloch heb dy gelu wyf, / dy edn, un Mab Duw, ydwyf. Byddai Dafydd yn sicr yn canu neu o leiaf yn llafarganu rhan o’r gwasanaeth, ac mae Gutun Owain yntau’n sôn am ei ddawn cerddorol: Mewn kor, kanv mên y kaid / Melys iawn am les enaid: / Karodd ddwyn tôn kerdd Dduw ’n tad, / Kyweirdant y naw kordiad, GO XXVIII.47–50. Er bod canllawiau’r Sistersiaid yn gofyn am symylder o ran defnydd cerddoriaeth mewn gwasanaethau, mae llawer o feirdd yn y bymthegfed ganrif fel petaent yn cyfeirio at ganu harmonig (fel y gwna Gutun Owain yn y dyfyniad uchod), gw. Harper 2007: 191–5 ac ymhellach, cf. 113.29n.

24 A drych aberth drwy’i chwebys  Dilynir awgrym petrus CTC 391b–392 a’i ddeall yn gyfeiriad at ddyrchafu’r bara cysegredig (yr aberth) yn yr offeren. Byddai’r abad yn codi’r bara uwch ei ben, fel na fyddai’n rhaid iddo droi i wynebu’r gynulleifa iddynt ei weld. Am y bôn drych-, gw. GPC 1144–5 d.g. dyrchafaf, … drychafaf, &c. Gellid hefyd ddehongli drych yn enw ‘drych, … adlewyrchiad’ a deall bod yr addolwyr yn gweld aberth Crist wrth i’r abad ddyrchafu’r afrlladen â’i chwe bys. Ai arwyddocâd chwebys yn syml yw mai’r â’r bodiau a’r ddau fys cyntaf y gafaelai’r abad yn yr afrlladen?

Dyrchafu’r afrlladen: ffresco gan Simone Martini, Assisi, c.1325. The Yorck Project: Meisterwerke der Malerei. DVD-ROM, 2002

26 Beuno tŷ Sain Bened hael  Cyfeiria’r beirdd yn gyffredin at y mynachlogydd Sistersaidd fel tai Bened, sef Sant Benedict, y daeth ei reol yn safon i fynachaeth yn y Gorllewin, gw. 111.50n. Mae Guto yn cyfeirio yma’n ffigurol at yr Abad Dafydd fel Beuno, gan fanteisio ar y cyflythreniad cyfleus rhwng Bened a Beuno: cf. 113.72n. Adleisir yma ddisgrifiad Gutun Owain o’r Abad Siôn ap Rhisiart (rhagflaenydd yr Abad Dafydd), GO XX.8–9 Beuno tŷ Sain Benned. / Iôn tŷ Sain Benned yw yn tad a’n iôr. Awgrymodd Henken (1987: 81–2) fod y beirdd yn tueddu i gyfeirio at Feuno fel darparwr gwleddoedd hael, ac mae’n bosibl mai’r elfen honno yn ei hanes a barodd i Guto a Gutun Owain ddefnyddio’i enw yng nghyswllt abadau Glyn-y-groes. Sylwer hefyd fod ar un adeg ffynnon o’r enw Ffynnon Beuno ym mhlwyf Llantysilio, nepell o’r abaty, gw. Thomas 1908–13: ii: 281n1.

29–30 Gwell fu’r dysg a’r llyfrau da / O’i gael ym bob gŵyl yma  Awgrym fod y cywydd hwn wedi ei ganu pan ymwelai Guto â’r fynachlog ar adeg gwyliau. Mae’r ffurf ym (‘i mi’) yn llinell 30 yn ogleisiol: byddai’n braf gwybod i ba raddau y bu i Guto ei hun fanteisio ar ddysg ac ar lyfrau’r fynachlog – gwyddom yn sicr i’r bardd-ysgrifwr Gutun Owain gyfranogi’n helaeth o’r ddysg honno.

32 is maen allor  Sef rhan fwyaf sanctaidd yr eglwys, lle y safai’r abad yn ystod yr offeren. Roedd y maen allor yn bwysig mewn eglwysi Catholig, ar sail cyfeiriadau yn y Beibl at allorau maen (cf. 1 Brenhinoedd 18.32) ac at Grist fel maen (cf. Effesiaid 2.20 Yr ydych wedi eich adeiladu ar sylfaen yr apostolion a’r proffwydi, a’r conglfaen yw Crist Iesu ei hun).

32 hwsmon  GPC 1934 ‘amaethwr, ffermwr, arddwr, triniwr tir’, &c. Canmol yr abad a wneir yn rhan hon o’r cywydd am y modd y mae’n rheoli ei dir yn effeithiol er mwyn cynhyrchu cyflenwad digonol o goed ar gyfer adeiladu a digonedd o fwyd i’r frawdoliaeth (gw. 40n).

34 caead hardd  Cyfeiria caead yma at do’r abaty, cf. 48 a 50 isod. Roedd traddodiad fod nenfwd y fynachlog wedi ei symud i eglwys Llangollen i’w ddiogelu yn sgil diddymu’r mynachlogydd. Yn sicr mae nenfwd cerfiedig eglwys Sant Collen yn un o’r rhai mwyaf cain yng Nghymru, ond mae’n annhebygol mai to’r abaty ydyw, yn ôl barn Mr Richard Suggett sy’n credu i’r nenfwd hwnnw gael ei lunio in situ yn yr eglwys ym mlynyddoedd cynnar yr unfed ganrif ar bymtheg. Esbonia (gohebiaeth bersonol), ‘if the roof trusses had come from Valle Crucis they would have been adjusted to make them fit – and there is no sign of adjustment’. Gw. hefyd Price 1952: 105. Er hynny, mae’n ddigon posibl mai creadigaeth yr un saer neu’r un gweithdy oedd y ddau.

34 o goed Hyrddin  Deellir coed yma’n enw cyffredin, ond gellid dehongli’r cyfuniad Coed Hyrddin yn enw priod, cf. Llwyn Hyrddin, 113.87n a gw. 11.27n. Defnyddiodd Gutun Owain yntau Hyrddin yn unig yn enw ar y bryn, GO XXXI.34–5 Ar vaeth wyf ar v’ eithevic: / Is Hyrddin ar win yr ioed (a sylwer ar yr un odl Hyrddin … win).

35–6 O’r mes a droes i’r maes draw / Mae gwŷdd yn magu iddaw  Cyfeiriad gwerthfawr at blannu coed yn y cyfnod canol: cf. Rackham 1990: 92, ‘In medieval England the planting of even a small wood was something to be recorded among the memorable deeds of a great abbot rather than an everyday event.’ Canmol yr abad a wna Guto am sicrhau cyflenwad o goed ar gyfer y dyfodol, ar ôl defnyddio’r coed presennol i greu caead newydd i’r fynachlog (34n).

40 Ŷd o’r blaen o dair blynedd  Hynny yw, mae gan yr abad werth tair blynedd o ŷd (o’r blaen, GPC 2610 ‘in advance, … previously’) mewn stôr: dyma arwydd o hwsmon (‘amaethwr’) effeithlon a allai wynebu tri chynhaeaf gwael yn ddiofid, cf. y sylwadau canlynol mewn cyfieithiad Cymraeg o draethawd yn rhoi cyngor ar arfer dda i hwsmon, Ac or gelly di amlhay proffyd yt o’th dir a’thayar … dod hwnw yn ystor yt. Sef achos yw hynny, o ffayla yr yd y ti … tydi a biay yr hwn a gedwaist yn ystor o’r blaen, Williams 1931–3: 45.

44 ei  Gall gyfeirio at Grist neu ar yr abad.

46 seiri tasg  Ar ystyr tasg yma, cf. OED Online s.v. task, n., ‘A piece of work imposed, exacted, or undertaken as a duty or the like’.

46 dros aur teg  Dichon mai’r ystyr yma yw bod y seiri (‘crefftwyr’) yn gweithio gydag aur yn hytrach nag am dâl o aur.

47 Beneddig  Ffurf amrywiol ar enw Sant Benedict, cf. 6.42: ond Bened yw’r ffurf fwyaf arferol ar yr enw gan Guto, gw. 26n.

49 neuadd fawrnadd  Gw. 34n uchod.

49 Berned  Sef Bernard Sant (1090–1153), abad Clairvaux a chwaraeodd rôl amlwg iawn yn lledaenu urdd y Sistersiaid.

52 cresti mur  Fe’i deellir yn GPC 592 yn ffurf luosog crest¹ yn yr ystyr ‘brig, copa, crib’. Mae’n debygol mai cyfeirio a wneir at addurn ar frig muriau allanol yr abaty (a bod wal, 51, yn cyfeirio at waliau mewnol); ai dyma’r gwaith caerog ar ymylon y to y cyfeiriodd Gutun Owain ato, GO XXVII.46 nenn gowraint a ’nai ’n gaeroc?

52 croestai mawrion  Cf. cyfeiriad Gutun Owain at [d]ai kroesoc yr abaty, GO XXVII.34. Gall croestai gyfeirio un ai at yr adeiladau sy’n rhedeg yn groes i’r neuadd (GPC 608 ‘tŷ’n sefyll yn groes i dai eraill’), adeiladau ar ffurf croes (ibid. ‘adeilad croesffurf’), neu o bosibl capeli (ibid. ‘capel a chroes ynddo’). Efallai mai’r ail sydd fwyaf tebygol, ac efallai, yn achos disgrifiad Guto, nad oes rhaid meddwl yn nhermau sawl adeilad, ond yn hytrach un adeilad ar ffurf croes ac iddo fwy nag un ystafell.

53 lloriau cyfun  Dichon mai cyfeirio at deils ar y lloriau a wneir yma. Gw. Price 1952: 216 am deils Glyn-y-groes, ac ymhellach ar waith teils yr abatai Sistersaidd, gw. Norton and Park 1986: 228–55.

54 dan un  GPC 3437 d.g. tan¹ ‘at the same time, together’.

57–8 Pa dŷ orau pedeiroes? / Penty gwŷr Iâl, Pant-y-groes  Dichon fod yma adlais o gwpled agoriadol cywydd mawl Dafydd ab Edmwnd i’r Abad Siôn ap Rhisiart, rhagflaenydd yr Abad Dafydd: DE L.1–2 pa dir a elwir o ial / pant y groes pentai grisial.

Llyfryddiaeth
Charles-Edwards, T.M. (1970–2), ‘The Seven Bishop-houses of Dyfed’, B xxiv: 247–62
Ellis, T.P. (1924), The First Extent of Bromfield and Yale, A.D. 1315 (London)
Harper, S. (2007), Music in Welsh Culture Before 1650 (Aldershot)
Henken, E.R. (1987), Traditions of the Welsh Saints (Cambridge)
Norton, C. and Park, D. (1986) (eds.), Cistercian Art and Architecture in the British Isles (Cambridge)
Price, G.V. (1952), Valle Crucis Abbey (Liverpool)
Rackham, O. (1990), Trees and Woodland in the British Landscape: The Complete History of Britain’s Trees, Woods and Hedgerows (London)
Thomas, D.R. (1908–13), The History of the Diocese of St. Asaph (3 vols., Oswestry)
Williams, S.J. (1931–3), ‘Traethawd Gwallter o Henlai ar Hwsmonaeth’, B vi: 41–55

In this cywydd Abbot Dafydd ab Ieuan is praised specifically for his effective husbandry at Valle Crucis, and for his care for the fabric of the abbey’s buildings. The restoration work carried out under his direction is given much attention, as is the way he ensured that his lands provided the resources necessary for the smooth running of the abbey, be it timber for building work or food for the tables. The abbot used timber from oak trees felled on nearby Bron Hyrddin to create a roof for the building (34), and Guto describes the saplings which are already growing from the acorns which the abbot had planted in their place. The abbot is an effective manager of his woodlands, ensuring a plentiful supply of timber for the future. In the same way, he is a careful farmer, ensuring that there is enough grain in store to last for three years (37–40).

It is apparent that Abbot Dafydd undertook much building work at the abbey: Guto uses the word newyddodd (47) which suggests restoration or rebuilding work in particular. The poet refers to the twelve craftsmen who worked on Ei dŷ … a’i do a’i frig ‘his house yonder and its roof and its top’ (48) creating a ‘large and carved hall’ (neuadd fawrnadd, 49) and enlarging its roof (50). This new roof seems to have made an impression on Gutun Owain also, who refers to the nenn gowraint a ’nai ’n gaeroc ‘the skilfully wrought roof which he made like a fort’, GO XXVII.46.

As in the other poems to the abbot, there is no specific information to help us pinpoint a date for its composition within Dafydd’s abbacy, c.1480–1503. However he seems to have been abbot long enough to have started to make his mark: not only has much building work been finished under his leadership, but also the acorns which he had planted are growing into young trees. In the opening lines, Guto expresses his intention to journey to the abbey to visit the abbot (Mi af at Arglwydd Ddafydd ‘I will go to Lord Dafydd’, 6), referring to the journey there from Trefor as a pilgrimage to be compared with the journey overseas to Rome (1–4). He refers further to the abbey’s location ‘yonder’ (fry, 48), and although great care must be taken in interpreting such references, they may suggest that Guto sang this poem outside the abbey’s walls, as was the case with poems 110 and 111. It is possible that the poet’s intention (under Dafydd’s patronage) was to raise awareness in the community of Dafydd’s effectiveness as abbot, and possibly to attract further patronage for the abbey from the major local families.

Date
See above: possibly c.1483–8.

The manuscripts
The 7 manuscript copies of this poem are closely related. The three earliest copies, LlGC 3049D, Gwyn 4 and Pen 77, all derive from a lost source from the Conwy Valley which seems to have contained an early collection of Guto’s poetry. All the other copies, including the single couplet in Pen 221, derive from one of these three manuscripts. If there are any differences in the readings of LlGC 3049D, Gwyn 4 and Pen 77, priority is usually given to the majority. Both the anonymous copyist of LlGC 3049D, and to a lesser extent William Salesbury in Gwyn 4, tended to keep the original reading and orthography of X¹, whilst Thomas Wiliems was more likely to correct and standardize the spelling: for instance LlGC 3049D and Gwyn 4 keep the non-standard form llyfre in line 29, whilst Thomas Wiliems has llyfrav.

Stemma

Previous editions
GGl poem CXVI; CTC poem 61.

Metre and cynghanedd
Cywydd, 64 lines.
Cynghanedd: croes 69% (44 lines), traws 19% (12 lines), sain 8% (5 lines), llusg 4% (3 lines).

3–4 Anturus fydd hynt tros fôr / O chaid Rhufain uwch Trefor!  Guto is describing the journey to Valle Crucis from Trefor as if it were a pilgrimage by sea to Rome.

6 enaid rhydd  GPC 1212 ‘absolved or pardoned soul, one freed or acquitted by the church (through confession or penitence); one assured of being in a state of grace’, cf. GIBH 9.3–4 E gâi wan ac awenydd / Gennyd ras ac enaid rydd ‘The weak and a poet would receive / Through you grace and an absolved soul’ (to St Winifred’s well). Guto is describing his own soul following his visit to the abbey.

7 urddau iad  The crown (iad) of the monks (urddau, orders), referring to the abbot’s tonsure.

7–8 Gŵr a ddug, … / Gwyn a rhudd, gwinau rhoddiad  Gwyn ‘white’ and rhudd ‘red’ are often used by the poets for wine (cf. TA LV.46 Gwin a rôi hon, gwyn a rhudd ‘She gave wine, white and red’), and I take gwinau here to be plural of gwin ‘wine’ (cf. GPC 1662). But gwinau ‘reddish brown’ is also frequently used of drink (see ibid. and cf. 113.21 Cawn feddyglyn gwyn a gwinau – fragod ‘I received a white mead and a dark red bragget’), so the poet may be referring to a brewed drink of some kind. Whatever its precise meaning, Guto is praising the abbot’s provisions in a feast. The Gŵr a ddug and rhoddiad are the same person, namely the abbot.

10 Gwas Duw  Equates to Latin servus Dei, used often for one who serves God in a religious house: cf. Cynddelw Brydydd Mawr’s intention to become gwas Duw before judgement day, GCBM ii, 16.23–4 Kynn b6yf g6ann esgus g6ynn esgar, / B6yf g6as Du6, g6esti dialar ‘Before I am feeble of excuse, according to the wishes of my enemies, / May I be God’s servant, in a joyful dwelling place’ and the note in Charles-Edwards 1970–2: 259 who shows that the combination was synonymous with meudwy (cf. 12) or the Irish mog Dé: ‘They all mean literally “servus Dei” but they are used for monks of the strict observance.’ Should Abbot Dafydd make Guto a monk in Valle Crucis, then his name would be Gwas Duw. Cf. also the name Ieuan Gwas Badrig.

10 o Lyn Egwestl  Lenited form of Glyn or Llyn Egwestl: both forms are found in the poetry of Guto’r Glyn and Gutun Owain; see 105.44n.

10 iach  Cf. GPC 1994 where this example is quoted under the meaning ‘fertile, flourishing’; but the more usual meaning ‘wholesome, conducive to health’ may also be suitable here for life at the abbey.

11 offis nofis  See CistYork s.v. novice ‘A probationary member of the monastic community who was taught and supervised by the novice-master’, and further: ‘Anyone who wished to become a Cistercian monk had to undergo a trial period. In the first instance, he was admitted to the guesthouse as a postulant where, in accordance with the Rule of St Benedict, he remained for four days. He was then received within the monastery to begin a one-year testing period known as the novitiate. He was known as a novice.’

12 meudwy  It probably means a ‘monk’ here (cf. 10n Gwas Duw), someone who has retreated from society, rather than a ‘hermit, anchorite’ who would live in complete seclusion, GPC 2448.

12 ysmudaf  A variant and rather unusual form of the verb symudaf: symudo, see GPC 3388.

14 blaidd hen gwan  Guto is describing himself. Blaidd ‘wolf’ was one of the traditional terms for a heroic soldier: Guto had been a soldier earlier in his career, but as Syr Rhys rather cruelly points out in his light-hearted satire to him, Gwan a hen yw’r anghenfil ‘the monster is weak and old’, 101a.35. The cynghanedd probably requires the rather unusual word order (we would expect hen flaidd gwan), though blaidd hen may be an old combination: Lewys Môn refers to Bleddyn ap Cynfyn as Blaidd hen (GLM XXXV.20), and Dafydd Llwyd o Fathafarn names Llew, blaidd hen … a sarff ‘Lion, old wolf … and serpent’ as ‘Defenders of the Island of the Mighty’ in a prophetic poem, GDLl 33.54–5.

15, 17 âb  Guto, rather unexpectedly, refers to himself here as an ape. Were apes kept as pets by abbots? Cf. the poem requesting an ape on behalf of Dame Annes, abbess of Llan-llŷr, HCLl 70 Abades, o dduwies dda, / Llan-llŷr wen, llawn lloer yna. / Dâm Annes sy’n dymunaw / O bai i’ch llys, âb o’ch llaw ‘Abbess, what a saintly goddess, / Of blessed Llan-llŷr, she is a full moon there. / Dame Annes wishes to receive / an ape from your hand, / should you have one at your court.’

18 Yn dilid un a dâl dau  I.e., Guto follows Abbot Dafydd who is worth two other abbots. For talu ‘to be worth’, see GPC 3426 s.v. talaf: talu (e).

19 gŵr gloywddu  Abbot Dafydd had black hair, cf. 113.77n. Guto may be suggesting that the abbot was relatively young: cf. in particular GO XXVIII.1, 3–4 Davydd y gŵr dv divalch / … / Yr arglwydd … / A vag oes oni vo gwyn ‘Dafydd, the black-haired and humble man … the lord …who will nurture our lives until he is white-haired.’

21 tŵr  For Valle Crucis’s high tower, see 111.58n. It is used pars pro toto for the abbey here.

22 ail Asa  The abbot is compared to St Asaph’s first bishop: more than one abbot from Valle Crucis had been promoted to bishop of St Asaph, and Guto must have been aware of Dafydd’s desire to be the next, an ambition which was finally realized in 1500, see Abbot Dafydd ab Ieuan. The two Siôn Trefors who were bishops of St Asaph in the fourteenth century belonged to Abbot Dafydd’s lineage.

22 Eglwyseg  The name of a township in Llangollen and the small river which flows past Valle Crucis abbey to join the river Dee at Pentrefelin nearby. Eglwysegl seems to have been the original form, derived from the Latin ecclesicula, the diminutive form of ecclesia: cf. WATU 64 and Eggloyssegle, a form found in the 1315 survey of Yale and Bromfield, Ellis 1924: 108. Eglwyseg is the only form I’ve found in the poetry. It is used here of Valle Crucis.

23 Edn i Grist a Duw ’n ei grys  The metaphor (edn ‘bird’) may suggest that the abbot’s white vestments or tunic (crys) look like feathers, or it may refer to the abbot’s musical talents, cf. the references to birds in Lewys Glyn Cothi’s poem to God, GLGC 1.76, 78–80 d’eos wyf, dy was ufydd … / dy geiliog ym mhob plwyf, / dy gloch heb dy gelu wyf, / dy edn, un Mab Duw, ydwyf ‘I am your nightingale, your faithful servant … / your cockerel in every parish, / your bell who does not hide you, / I am your bird, one Son of God.’ Dafydd would have chanted or intoned parts of the services, and Gutun Owain also refers to his musical talents: Mewn kor, kanv mên y kaid / Melys iawn am les enaid: / Karodd ddwyn tôn kerdd Dduw ’n tad, / Kyweirdant y naw kordiad ‘In a choir, there was harmonic singing / which was very sweet and beneficial for the soul: / he loved to carry the tone of God our father’s song, / he was the key-string of the nine-part melody’, GO XXVIII.47–50. Even though the Cistercian regulations called for extreme simplicity as regards the use of music in services, many poets seem to refer to polyphonic singing (as does Gutun Owain in the above quotation), see Harper 2007: 191–5 and cf. further 113.29n.

24 A drych aberth drwy’i chwebys  A reference to the elevation of the host during Mass, following the tentative suggestion in CTC 391b–392. The abbot would raise the bread above his head, so that he wouldn’t need to turn around to face the congregation in order for them to see it. For the stem drych- as variant of dyrch-, see GPC 1144–5 d.g. dyrchafaf, … drychafaf, &c. But drych could also be the noun ‘mirror, … reflection’, with the meaning that the worshippers would see Christ’s sacrifice as the abbot raised the host with his six fingers. Does chwebys ‘six fingers’ simply suggest that the abbot uses the thumbs and two fingers from each hand to hold the host?

The elevation of the host: fresco by Simone Martini, Assisi, c.1325. The Yorck Project: Meisterwerke der Malerei. DVD-ROM, 2002

26 Beuno tŷ Sain Bened hael  The poets frequently refer to Cistercian houses as belonging to St Benet or Benedict, the author of a Rule that became the basis of monasticism in the West, see 111.50n. Guto is referring figuratively here to Abbot Dafydd as Beuno, taking advantage of the convenient alliteration between Bened and Beuno: cf. 113.72n. He seems to be echoing Gutun Owain’s description of Abbot Siôn ap Rhisiart (Dafydd’s predecessor), GO XX.8–9 Beuno tŷ Sain Benned. / Iôn tŷ Sain Benned yw yn tad a’n iôr ‘St Beuno of St Benedict’s house. / Our father and lord is the leader of St Benedict’s house.’ Henken (1987: 81–2) suggested that the poets refer to Beuno in particular because of his reputation as a generous provider of feasts, and this may well be why Guto and Gutun Owain chose to compare the abbots of Valle Crucis with him. At one time there was a well dedicated to St Beuno in the parish of Llantysilio, close to the abbey, see Thomas 1908–13: ii: 281n1.

29–30 Gwell fu’r dysg a’r llyfrau da / O’i gael ym bob gŵyl yma  This suggests that Guto sang this poem during a particular feast. The form ym (‘i mi’) in line 30 is suggestive: did Guto profit from the abbey’s books and learning? Gutun Owain, poet and scribe and younger contemporary of Guto, certainly did.

32 is maen allor  The most sacred part of the church, where the abbot would stand during Mass. The altar stone was important in the churches of Rome, because of the biblical references to them (cf. 1 Kings 18.32) and to Christ as a rock, cf. Ephesians 2.20 ‘And are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner [stone].’

32 hwsmon  GPC 1934 ‘husband-man, farmer, tiller of the soil, yeoman’, &c. Guto is praising the abbot for his effective management of the land, ensuring that he’s able to produce a plentiful supply of timber for building, and food for the brethren (see 40n).

34 caead hardd  Caead ‘cover’ probably refers to the abbey’s roof; cf. to and nen 48 and 50 below. There is a tradition that the abbey’s roof was moved to Llangollen church following the dissolution of the monasteries. The beautifully carved roof in St Collen’s church is one of the finest in Wales, but according to Mr Richard Suggett, it is unlikely to have come from the abbey. Rather it belongs to the early sixteenth century and is likely to have seen crafted in situ. He explains that ‘if the roof trusses had come from Valle Crucis they would have been adjusted to make them fit – and there is no sign of adjustment’ (private correspondence). See also Price 1952: 105. However, it is quite possible that both roofs had been crafted by carpenters from the same local workshop.

34 o goed Hyrddin  I take coed to be a common noun ‘timber’, although the combination Coed Hyrddin could be understood as a place name, cf. Llwyn Hyrddin, 113.87n and see further 111.27n. Gutun Owain also used Hyrddin alone for the hill, GO XXXI.34–5 Ar vaeth wyf ar v’ eithevic: / Is Hyrddin ar win yr ioed ‘I am being fostered with my chieftain: / on wine forever below Hyrddin’ (and note the same end-rhymes Hyrddin … win).

35–6 O’r mes a droes i’r maes draw / Mae gwŷdd yn magu iddaw  A valuable reference to planting trees in the medieval period: cf. Rackham 1990: 92, ‘In medieval England the planting of even a small wood was something to be recorded among the memorable deeds of a great abbot rather than an everyday event.’ Guto is praising the abbot for ensuring a plentiful supply of timber for the future after felling trees to create a new roof for the abbey (34n).

40 Ŷd o’r blaen o dair blynedd  I.e., the abbot has enough corn or grain in his store to last for three years (o’r blaen, GPC 2610 ‘in advance, … previously’. This is the sign of an effective husband-man who could face three bad harvests without hardship; cf. the following remarks from the Middle Welsh translation of an essay on husbandry: Ac or gelly di amlhay proffyd yt o’th dir a’thayar … dod hwnw yn ystor yt. Sef achos yw hynny, o ffayla yr yd y ti … tydi a biay yr hwn a gedwaist yn ystor o’r blaen ‘And if you can create an excess from your land and soil … place that in your store. The reason being, should your corn fail … you will have that which you had previously put in store’, Williams 1931–3: 45.

44 ei  This could refer to Christ or to the abbot.

46 seiri tasg  For the meaning of tasg here, cf. OED Online s.v. task, n. ‘A piece of work imposed, exacted, or undertaken as a duty or the like’.

46 dros aur teg  This probably refers to the craftsmen working with gold leaf, rather than that they were being paid in gold.

47 Beneddig  A variant form of St Benedict’s name, cf. 6.42: Bened is the usual form used by Guto, see 26n.

49 neuadd fawrnadd  See 34n.

49 Berned  St Bernard (1090–1153), abbot of Clairvaux, a major figure in the development of the Cistercian order.

52 cresti mur  Cf. GPC 592 where cresti is listed as the plural of crest¹ ‘crest, top’. Guto is probably referring to the adornments on the crest of the abbey’s external walls (whilst wal, 51, refers to the inside walls); is this what Gutun Owain is talking about in GO XXVII.46 nenn gowraint a ’nai ’n gaeroc ‘the skilfully wrought roof which he made like that of a fort’?

52 croestai mawrion  Cf. Gutun Owain’s reference to the abbey’s tai kroesoc, GO XXVII.34. Croestai could refer to the transepts, built crosswise to the nave (GPC 608 ‘house having parts standing athwart or crosswise’), or to any ‘cruciform building’, or possibly to chapels (ibid. ‘chapel containing a crucifix’). Perhaps the second is the more likely, and we don’t necessarily have to think of many buildings (tai), but rather of a complex building with several parts or rooms.

53 lloriau cyfun  Possibly a reference to tiled floors. See Price 1952: 216 for tiles at Valle Crucis, and further on Cistercian tiles in general, see Norton and Park 1986: 228–55.

54 dan un  GPC 3437 s.v. tan¹ ‘at the same time, together’.

57–8 Pa dŷ orau pedeiroes? / Penty gwŷr Iâl, Pant-y-groes  Is Guto echoing the opening couplet of Dafydd ab Edmwnd’s praise poem to Abbot Siôn ap Rhisiart, Dafydd’s predecessor? DE L.1–2 pa dir a elwir o ial / pant y groes pentai grisial ‘What land in Yale is called / Pant-y-groes, with crystal penthouses?’.

Bibliography
Charles-Edwards, T.M. (1970–2), ‘The Seven Bishop-houses of Dyfed’, B xxiv: 247–62
Ellis, T.P. (1924), The First Extent of Bromfield and Yale, A.D. 1315 (London)
Harper, S. (2007), Music in Welsh Culture Before 1650 (Aldershot)
Henken, E.R. (1987), Traditions of the Welsh Saints (Cambridge)
Norton, C. and Park, D. (1986) (eds.), Cistercian Art and Architecture in the British Isles (Cambridge)
Price, G.V. (1952), Valle Crucis Abbey (Liverpool)
Rackham, O. (1990), Trees and Woodland in the British Landscape: The Complete History of Britain’s Trees, Woods and Hedgerows (London)
Thomas, D.R. (1908–13), The History of the Diocese of St. Asaph (3 vols., Oswestry)
Williams, S.J. (1931–3), ‘Traethawd Gwallter o Henlai ar Hwsmonaeth’, B vi: 41–55

Stema fwy