Y llawysgrifau
Ceir y cywydd hwn, yn gyflawn neu’n anghyflawn, mewn 5 copi a godwyd rhwng ail chwarter yr unfed ganrif ar bymtheg a’r bedwaredd ganrif ar bymtheg. Y testun cynharaf, BL 14967, yw ffynhonnell yr holl destunau eraill. Llinellau 1–8 a 62–6 yn unig a geir yn LlGC 17113E [i] a [ii]. Y cwpled agoriadol yn unig a geir yn Pen 221 ond awgryma’r darlleniad gwallus wargledd yn yr ail linell mai BL 14967 oedd ffynhonnell hwn hefyd (gw. 2n). Cyflawn yw testun BL 31092. Dylid nodi hefyd fod safon testunau BL 14967 yn gyffredinol yn tueddu i fod yn anghyson, a gall fod llinellau ar goll yn nhestun y gerdd hon (gw. 65n). Mae’r testunau i gyd yn tarddu o’r gogledd neu’r Canolbarth.
Seiliwyd y testun golygyddol ar BL 14967.
Trawsysgrifiad: BL 14967.
2 wyargledd BL 14967 wargledd, cf. GGl. Diwygir er mwyn hyd y llinell a’r ystyr; cf., e.e., gwyarllafn ‘llafn gwaedlyd’, GPC 1744.
6 droi Gthg. GGl dro, sy’n anghywir.
6 apêl Ceir am pel yn BL 14967, sef ampêl, amrywiad ar apêl (gw. GPC2 399). Rhydd hyn m berfeddgoll, ac er nad yw hynny’n anghywir, ceir gwell cynghanedd o ddarllen apêl megis yn GGl.
8 yw’r Gthg. GGl i’w, ond ywr a geir yn y BL 14967.
9 d’arglwydd BL 14967 dy arglwydd, a cf. GGl, ond talfyrrir er mwyn hyd y llinell.
13 arddodd BL 14967 Ar ddodd, oherwydd camraniad; gthg. GGl Ardd oedd.
22 i Harri hir yw hwn Felly BL 14967. Gwna’r llinell yn rhy hir o sillaf. Gellid hepgor yw a chael brawddeg enwol heb newid ystyr y llinell, ond swnia yw hwn yn well i’r glust. Posibilrwydd arall fyddai hepgor yw a diwygio i harri hir yn i’r Harri hir hwn gan newid y gystrawen ond nid yn chwithig. Gellid ystyried hefyd hepgor i gan drin Cywir yn enwol.
26 Ffwrnfal BL 14967 ffwrnial. Mae angen f er mwyn cael cyfatebiaeth gyflawn yn y clwm cytseiniaid rnf, felly diwygiwyd. Daw Ffwrnfal o Furnival.
35–8 Yn GGl ceir y llinellau hyn yn y drefn anghywir 37–8, 35–6.
41 oedud Ceir oid yn BL 14967 ond â’r amrywiad oidid wedi ei nodi gan law arall. P’un a godwyd oedid o destun arall ai ymgais gan gopïwr ydyw i gywiro’r testun, rhydd synnwyr da a llinell seithsill, ac fe’i derbynnir megis y gwneir yn GGl.
43 od ai BL 14967 o dai, enghraifft o gamrannu geiriau.
48 maes Gthg. GGl Mars, darlleniad nas ceir yn BL 14967 ond a geir yn BL 31092, sy’n gopi ohono (er hynny, ni restrir BL 31092 yn GGl 76). Rhydd maes ystyr burion.
50 ystod Gthg. GGl Ystâd, darlleniad nas ceir yn BL 14967 ac nad yw’n rhoi cynghanedd.
54 deg BL 14967 Glyn ysgot lownsgae aur. Fel y dywedir yn GGl 329, ‘Gofyn y gynghanedd am rywbeth fel a glownsgae’, ond nid yw’r diwygiad a gynigir yn y testun yno (ac sy’n rhannu’r geiriau yn wahanol i fel y gwneir yn y nodyn), sef [ag] lownsgae, yn taro yn gystrawennol gan mai â, nid ag, a geir o flaen cytsain. Ni ellir darllen â glownsgae ychwaith gan mai lownsgae yw’r gair (er na wyddai Ifor Williams hynny, GGl 329), gw. GPC 2069. Gan fod angen gair yn diweddu yn g o flaen lownsgae, gellir cynnig darllen teg neu’r ffurf dreigledig deg. O’r ddau, efallai mai’r olaf sydd fwyaf boddhaol gan yr osgoir ailadrodd y t ar ddiwedd ysgot; cf. hefyd y patrwm … drwydded ruddaur yn y llinell flaenorol.
59 a’th BL 14967 Aeth. Derbynnir diwygiad GGl.
59 llu Fe’i dilynir gan goma yn GGl ond nid oes ei angen.
65 gawn BL 14967 gawnn, ac yn GGl fe’i deellir i gynrychioli ffurf dreigledig y ferf cawn. O dderbyn y darlleniad hwnnw, rhaid cymryd bod y rhagenw perthynol wedi ei hepgor o’i flaen, peth digon cyffredin yn y farddoniaeth. Ar y posibilrwydd nad 63–4 oedd yn rhagflaenu 65–6 yn wreiddiol (peth na fyddai anghyson â safon testunau BL 14967), gw. 63–6n (esboniadol).
Nid yw’n gwbl eglur ar yr olwg gyntaf i bwy y canwyd y gerdd fawl fawreddog hon (GGl 328; GGl2 328; Lloyd 1939–41: 126). Gelwir ei noddwr yn [F]eistr Talbod (llinell 15), yn Arglwydd Talbod (50) ac yn Talbod (62), ond ceir ansicrwydd ynghylch ei enw cyntaf. Cyfeirir at ryw ddieiddil Wilym ar ddiwedd y gerdd (63), ond gan na ddaethpwyd o hyd i ŵr o’r enw Gwilym neu Wiliam Talbod a oedd yn fab i iarll Amwythig, y tebyg yw bod Guto naill ai’n cyfeirio at ŵr arall o’r enw hwnnw ynteu’n cymharu ei noddwr â rhyw Wilym enwog. Ar ddechrau’r gerdd fe enwir Arglwydd Siôn (2), ond nid yw’n gwbl eglur ai cyfeiriad ydyw at y noddwr ynteu at dad hwnnw, oherwydd yn y cwpled nesaf dywed Guto wrtho Yr aer ych chwi (4). Yr hyn sydd fwyaf tebygol yw bod yn ymhlyg yn Arglwydd Siôn gyfeiriad at y tad a’r mab ynghyd gan eu bod yn rhannu’r un enw, oherwydd roedd y noddwr yn fab i iarll Amwythig (7), a cheid tri iarll Amwythig o’r enw Siôn yn amser Guto: Siôn Talbod, yr iarll cyntaf (c.1387–1453); Siôn Talbod, yr ail iarll a mab y cyntaf (c.1413–60); Siôn Talbod, y trydydd iarll a mab yr ail (1448–73).
Mae olyniaeth dros fwy nag un genhedlaeth yn chwarae rhan bwysig yn y gerdd. Dywed Guto fel hyn am y tad (9–14):
D’arglwydd dad, diwyrgledd dur,
Dysg wrthaw, dwywisg Arthur.
Ym mlaen Lloegr mal un llygad
I heddychu Cymru y’i cad;
Arddodd Ffrainc ac Iwerddon,
Urddas yw i’r ddwyoes hon.
Ychydig linellau’n ddiweddarach ceir tri chwpled lle canmolir teyrngarwch tair cenhedlaeth (sef y noddwr, ei dad a’i daid) i dri brenin o’r enw Harri (sef Harri IV, Harri V a Harri VI) (17–22):
Cywir fu dy daid cyoedd,
Cadw Harri o Dderbi ’dd oedd.
Cywir dy dad, gariad gŵr,
I Ging Harri gwncwerwr.
Cywir wyd, ni a’i credwn,
Cywir i Harri hir yw hwn.
At ba dair cenhedlaeth y cyfeirir, felly? Bernir mai noddwr Guto oedd Siôn Talbod, ail iarll Amwythig, mab Siôn Talbod yr iarll cyntaf ac ŵyr Richard Talbod. Ymddengys hynny’n fwy tebygol na’r dewis arall, sef bod Guto wedi canu i Siôn Talbod, trydydd iarll Amwythig, mab yr ail iarll ac ŵyr yr iarll cyntaf.
Dywed Guto fod tad ei noddwr wedi ymladd dros Loegr wrth heddychu Cymru, a’r awgrym cryf wedyn yw iddo frwydro’n helaeth yn Ffrainc ac yn Iwerddon. Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig, yn anad neb a enillodd fri fel ymladdwr yn y tair gwlad hynny, oherwydd fe frwydrodd yng Nghymru (yn erbyn Owain Glyndŵr, 1404–9), yn Iwerddon (1414–19, 1424–5, 1446–7) ac yn Ffrainc yn ysbeidiol o 1419 hyd ddiwedd ei oes. Ni ellir honni hynny yn achos ei fab, yr ail iarll. Bu hwnnw’n ganghellor y Goron yn Iwerddon (1445–8) ac yn gynghorydd i’r tywysog yng Nghymru (1457), swyddi a gadwai’r iarll ymhell o faes y gad, ac nid ymddengys iddo deithio i Ffrainc erioed. Er bod y beirdd yn hoffi gorbwysleisio natur ryfelgar eu noddwyr, go brin y mentrai Guto honni bod yr ail iarll wedi ‘dofi’ (13 arddodd) Ffrainc ac Iwerddon.
Dywed Guto fod taid ei noddwr wedi bod yn deyrngar i Harri IV, ond bu Richard Talbod, taid yr ail iarll, farw yn 1397, ddwy flynedd cyn coroni Harri IV yn 1399. Rhoes mab Richard, Siôn Talbod yr iarll cyntaf, ar y llaw arall, wasanaeth hir i’r brenin hwnnw. Gellir dadlau mai’r hyn a oedd flaenaf ym meddwl Guto oedd y ffaith fod ei noddwr a thad ei noddwr wedi gwasanaethu dau frenin o’r enw Harri. Go brin fod fawr o ots ganddo ynghylch manylion ymwneud y taid â thrydydd brenin o’r enw Harri, eithr roedd yn ddigon bod Richard Talbod wedi byw yr un adeg â Harri o Dderbi (nid y brenin Harri, sylwer). Diau mai nod Guto oedd pwysleisio’r ffaith fod o leiaf dair cenhedlaeth o’r teulu wedi cefnogi achos y Lancastriaid (Pollard 1983: 7):
The Talbot family had long-established connections with the house of Lancaster. The first and second lords had been followers of Thomas of Lancaster in the reign of Edward II and the second had assisted Henry of Lancaster and Edward III against Roger Mortimer in 1330. The third Lord … served with John of Gaunt in Spain, where he died in 1387. [Richard Talbod] died in 1396, but his family of young children was well placed to benefit from the Lancastrian usurpation in 1399.
At hynny, pe bai Guto mewn gwirionedd yn cyfeirio at y tri Siôn Talbod (yr iarll cyntaf, yr ail a’r trydydd) mewn cyswllt â thri brenin Harri, go brin y byddai wedi anwybyddu’r cyd-ddigwyddiad diddorol hwnnw. Ac ystyried hoffter Guto (a’r beirdd yn gyffredinol) o rifau a chyfatebiaethau, mae’n syndod na fyddai wedi tynnu sylw at y gyfochreb rhwng tri gŵr o’r enw Siôn Talbod a thri brenin o’r enw Harri. Gan fod yr elfen honno’n absennol o’r gerdd, llawer haws yw credu mai Richard Talbod a dau Siôn Talbod (yr iarll cyntaf a’r ail) sydd ganddo mewn golwg.
Mae pedair rhan i’r gerdd. Yn y rhan gyntaf (1–14), cyfarcha Guto Siôn Talbod fel yr etifedd gan dynnu sylw at ei dras aruchel a’i annog i ddilyn esiampl ei dad yn heddychu Cymru ac yn gwasanaethu yn Ffrainc ac Iwerddon. Yn yr ail ran (15–32), anoga Guto ei noddwr i barhau gwaith ei dad. Dywed mor deyrngar oedd ei dad a’i daid i’r Goron gan fynegi’r gobaith y bydd Siôn Talbod, yntau, yn deyrngar i Harri VI. Disgrifia ef fel barwn ar y nasiwn (23), Carw ymlaen Brytaen a’i braich (25), a noda ei ystadau a’i deitlau. Yn y drydedd ran (33–56), pwysleisir disgynyddiaeth Gymreig Talbod o’r Arglwydd Rhys ac o Lywelyn ab Iorwerth, ond gan nodi bod doethineb Lloegr (42) ynddo yn ogystal. Molir ef fel barnwr doeth, milwr o fri a chynhaliwr gwŷr, gan ofyn iddo gefnogi Cymru – bydd drosom (47). Yn y rhan olaf (57–66), sonia Guto am waith Talbod yn y Mers yn ceisio dwyn trefn drwy ddulliau milwrol, gan ofyn am ei gymorth yng Nghymru hefyd.
Gellir dehongli’r gerdd hon fel apêl taer gan Guto at ffigwr pwerus a dylanwadol yn Lloegr a gynhaliai drefn a sefydlogrwydd ac a oedd yn deyrngar i’r brenin. A Thalbod yn gwastrodi’r Mers cythryblus, gobaith Guto oedd y deuai â’r un drefn a sefydlogrwydd i Gymru, a gâi ei phoeni gan elfennau afreolus a digyfraith. Yn hyn o beth, dygir i gof gywydd a ganodd Llawdden i Syr Water Defras o Weblai a Bodenham yn galw arno i adfer trefn i ardal Rhwng Gwy a Hafren (GLl cerdd 25). Yr un drachefn, o ran hynny, yw byrdwn cywydd Guto i Edward IV ynglŷn â Chymru a ganwyd ym mis Mehefin 1473, o bosibl (cerdd 29). Fel Edward, nid yw’n debygol fod Talbod yn medru Cymraeg, ond gall fod lladmerydd, onid y bardd ei hun, wedi egluro’r geiriau iddo cyn neu ar ôl y perfformiad.
Dyddiad
Gan na chyfeirir at noddwr y gerdd fel iarll (eithr 15 Meistr), mae’n bur debygol ei bod wedi ei chanu cyn iddo ddod i’w etifeddiaeth. Enwir rhai o brif diroedd a theitlau’r Talbodiaid, sef Ffwrnfal, Sieffild, Siffnal a Blagmer (26–32), ond fe ymddengys mai rhagweld meddiant arfaethedig y mab ohonynt a wneir. Wedi’r cyfan, [m]ab iarll Amwythig ydyw. O ganlyniad, canwyd y gerdd cyn 1453, pan fu farw Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig. Mae canrannau’r cynganeddion yn ategu dyddiad cynnar yng ngyrfa Guto, gan mor isel yw canran y gynghanedd groes (gw. isod). Geilw Guto ei noddwr yn Arglwydd tir … / Sieffild (27–8), a allai gyfeirio at y ffaith ei fod wedi ymgartrefu yn Sheffield o c.1437 ymlaen. Ni ellir manylu fawr ymhellach gan mai ychydig sy’n hysbys am ddeugain mlynedd cyntaf ei oes, ond dylid nodi ei fod wedi ei benodi’n ganghellor y Goron yn Iwerddon ym mis Mawrth 1445. Gan na chyfeirir at y swydd honno yn y gerdd, eithr at gamau cyntaf gŵr ifanc ym myd y gyfraith (41–6), y tebyg yw ei bod wedi ei chanu rywdro rhwng c.1437 a dechrau 1445.
Golygiad blaenorol
GGl cerdd XXVIII.
Mesur a chynghanedd
Cywydd, 66 llinell.
Cynghanedd: croes 44% (29 llinell), traws 24% (16 llinell), sain 27% (18 llinell), llusg 5% (3 llinell).
3 A’r ail er pan fu Rolant Ffordd arall o drefnu’r geiriau yw A’r ail Rolant er pan fu. Arwr brwydr Roncesvalles yn chwedlau Siarlymaen oedd Rolant.
4 aer Sef olynydd Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig.
4 ych Amrywiad ar ywch, ail berson lluosog presennol mynegol y ferf bod (gw. GPC 3749 d.g. ych2).
8 llin o’r brenin Cf. yr hyn a ddywed Pollard (1983: 8) am dad y noddwr: ‘He was a rich and powerful peer of the realm, from old noble stock, linked closely by family tradition and personal ties to the Lancastrian dynasty.’
13 arddodd Sylwer ar yr ystyr ffigurol sydd i’r ferf (o aredig) yma.
14 dwyoes hon Trinnir y ffurf ddeuol dwyoes fel enw unigol; cf. GLlGt 2.6n.
15 meistr Dichon fod hwn yn air a ddefnyddir ynglŷn â gwŷr ifainc (megis gwrthrych y gerdd); cf., e.e., gywydd moliant Llawdden i Syr Rhosier Fychan o Hergest a’i dri mab ifanc, lle defnyddir yr un term am yr olaf, GLl 20.57–9.
15 Mae’r llinell yn fyr o sillaf onid yngenir Meistr yn ddeusill (hynny yw meister).
17 taid Sef Richard Talbod.
18 Harri o Dderbi Henry Bolingbroke, sef Harri IV, trydydd iarll Derby o’r ail greadigaeth.
19 gŵr Efallai mai ‘gwŷr’ a olygir yn hytrach nag unrhyw ŵr neilltuol; cf. yr ymadrodd cywydd gŵr.
20 Cing Harri gwncwerwr Harri V.
22 Harri hir Harri VI, a oedd yn hirfain o gorff, nid Harri VII fel yr honnir yn GGl2 329, gw. Lloyd 1939–41: 126.
24 brawdwr ‘Barnwr’. Mae’r ffaith fod Talbod wedi ei benodi’n ganghellor y Goron yn Iwerddon yn 1445 yn awgrymu iddo dderbyn hyfforddiant ym myd llywodraeth a’r gyfraith. Cf. 43–6 Da yw’r farn od ai i’r fainc, / Dewi barwniaid ieuainc. / Atebion Salmon y sydd / I’th ben, a’i gyfraith beunydd.
24 obry Cf. 44a.54 A’i gribwraig yn Lloegr obry. Ceir geiriau fel fry a draw trwy’r farddoniaeth ac yn fynych ymddengys mai eu swyddogaeth yw helpu i lunio’r gynghanedd neu lenwi’r llinell yn hytrach na dynodi nodwedd ddaearyddol. Mae’n bosibl, er hynny, fod arwyddocâd daearyddol i obry yn yr enghreifftiau hyn gan fod Lloegr yn llythrennol yn is na Chymru fynyddig (gan fod Siôn Talbod yn Sais, naturiol fyddai i Guto ei gysylltu â thir Lloegr).
25 Brytaen Ar yr ystyr ‘Prydain’, gw. GLM 404; GLGC 667. Cyfystyr ydyw yma, i bob diben, â nasiwn (23).
26 Ffwrnfal Etifeddwyd y teitl Baron Furnival gan Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig, drwy ei briodas â Maud Neville, merch Thomas Neville, Barwn Ffwrnifal, gw. DNB Online s.n. Talbot, John (‘first earl of Shrewsbury’).
28 Sieffild Bu Talbod yn byw yn Sheffield, swydd Efrog, o c.1437 ymlaen, ac yno y lluniodd ei ewyllys gyntaf yn 1446.
28 Offa Brenin grymus a galluog Mercia yn Lloegr o 757 i 796 a gododd y clawdd terfyn enwog rhwng Cymru a Lloegr, gw. Lloyd 1939: 197–202.
29 marchog aur Urddwyd Talbod yn farchog yn 1426.
30 Siffnal Shifnal, swydd Amwythig, a fu ym meddiant Talbod.
32 Blagmer Blakemere yn ymyl Whitchurch, swydd Amwythig, a ddaeth i feddiant teulu Talbod drwy briodas Ankaret (Angharad) Lestrange â Richard Talbod, gw. Lloyd 1929–31: 380; 1939–41: 126.
34 Gwydris Castell Goodrich yn ne swydd Henffordd, a oedd yn eiddo i deulu Talbod, gw. Pollard 1983: 10.
34 gwaed o Rys Gryg Roedd Rhys Gryg yn fab i’r Arglwydd Rhys (40n Arglwydd Rys), a bu farw yn 1234, gw. CLC2 652. Roedd yn un o gyndeidiau Talbod, gw. Siôn Talbod.
36 nai Gwladus Du Un o hynafiaid Talbod, merch Llywelyn Fawr (gw. isod), gw. Siôn Talbod.
37–8 Llywelyn ab Iorwerth / Drwyndwn Sef Llywelyn Fawr ab Iorwerth Drwyndwn, tywysog Gwynedd (1173–1240), gw. CLC2 476. Roedd yn dad i Wladus Ddu (gw. uchod).
39 prins Gwynedd Gw. uchod.
40 yw’r ail Sef yr ail ffigur sydd yn insael ‘sêl’ (39) Talbod. Cf. yr hyn a ddywedir am arfau herodrol teulu Talbod, ieirll Amwythig, yn DWH ii: 537: ‘Richard Talbot, son of Gilbert Talbot and Gwenllian ferch Rhys Mechyll ap Rhys Gryg, changed his arms between 1280 and 1301 from Or, five bendlets Gules, to the arms attributed to the princes of Deheubarth (South Wales), that is: Gules, a lion rampant and a bordure indented Or, and it is thought that this change was made to express their heirship of this branch of that house.’
40 Arglwydd Rys Rhys ap Gruffudd (1132–97), y mwyaf o dywysogion Deheubarth, gw. CLC2 650–1.
41 glain Ffurf dreigledig clain sydd yma, fe ymddengys. Ni restrir unrhyw enghreifftiau diweddarach na’r bedwaredd ganrif ar ddeg yn GPC 489.
42 doeth Dechrau’r llinell fyddai ei safle naturiol.
43–6 Da yw’r farn … / … / … a’i gyfraith beunydd Gw. 24n brawdwr.
44 Dewi Ar hoffter Guto o ddefnyddio’r enw hwn ynglŷn â’i noddwyr, gw. 44.58n.
45–6 atebion Salmon … / … a’i gyfraith Cyfeirir at Solomon, mab Dafydd Broffwyd, a ystyrid yn batrwm doethineb, gw. TYP3 497. Roedd hefyd yn enwog fel barnwr, gw. 1 Brenhinoedd 3.16–28, 7.7.
48 bugail … bygwl Sylwer ar y gwrtheiriad, cf. cywydd Guto i Fathau Goch, 3.24n (testunol).
49 cydredeg Ymddengys mai’r syniad yw bod Talbod yn cydredeg neu’n cydsymud â’i filwyr mewn cyrch ar y gelyn. Tybed, er hynny, nad cydredeg rhyngddo ef a’r gelyn a olygir yma, hynny yw ‘gwrthdaro’? Ni restrir yr ystyr honno yn GPC 667, ond gellid ei chael yn ddigon naturiol o’r ystyr wreiddiol.
51 cyrs Un o ffurfiau lluosog cors yn yr ystyr ‘corsen’, gw. GPC 566 (2). Ar ei ystyr yn y cyd-destun hwn, cf. GLGC 154.57–8 Harnais wych fal rhew neu sêr / ydiw’r cyrs i doi’r cwrser. Ymddengys mai gorchudd ar gefn y march wedi ei wneud o gorsenni a olygir.
52 cwrseriaid Ffurf luosog cwrser, sef benthyciad o’r Saesneg coursere ‘courser’, gw. GPC 649.
53 saeled Helmed ddur. Canodd Guto gywydd i ofyn am saeled gan Wiliam Rodn ar ran Dafydd Bromffild, gw. cerdd 73.
53 trwydded ruddaur Croesawa Talbod ei westeion trwy roi aur coch iddynt.
54 glyn Ysgót Ymddengys mai cyfeiriad sydd yma at ymwneud Talbod â’r Alban neu at wasanaeth milwrol yno. Ai rhyw fangre neilltuol yn yr Alban yw’r glyn ynteu ffordd arall o gyfeirio at yr Alban gan ei bod yn wlad sy’n llawn glynnoedd? Posibilrwydd arall yw mai ffurf trydydd unigol presennol mynegol y ferf glynu yw glyn (hynny yw glŷn). Os felly, ymddengys mai’r ystyr yw bod Albanwyr yn glynu wrtho, hynny yw yn deyrngar iddo.
54 lownsgae GPC 2069 ‘math o waywffon ysgafn’, benthyciad o’r Saesneg launcegai ‘lancegay’ (tywyll oedd y gair i Ifor Williams yn GGl2 329).
55 annedd Cystennin Awgryma Lloyd (1939–41: 126–7) mai Welsh Bicknor, ger Goodrich, a olygir, gan ychwanegu mai ei enw yn Gymraeg yw Llangustennin.
57 Mars Ar aflywodraeth y Mars yn y bymthegfed ganrif yn gyffredinol, gw. GLl 11.
58 teirsir Yn y Mars, fe ymddengys (gw. uchod).
61 tau wŷr Priodolir y treiglad i gwŷr i effaith y ferf yn mynegi dymuniad sydd ynghudd yn yr ymadrodd teiroes yt (hynny yw ‘teiroes a fo yt’). Os priodolir y treiglad i’r ansoddair tau (‘dy filwyr’), mae’n dilyn y dymunir tair oes i’r milwyr hefyd, ond chwithig fyddai hynny o ran synnwyr a chystrawen. Ni ellir ystyried y geiriau yn frawddeg enwol (‘yr eiddot yw milwyr’) gan na threiglid gwŷr mewn cystrawen o’r fath.
62 pum trafod rhyfel Ar yr ymadrodd trafod rhyfel, cf. HCLl XLII.41 Er bod yn trafod rhyfel. Tebyg na ddylid deall pum yn llythrennol ac mai dynodi llawer rhyfel y mae.
63–6 Llinellau anodd o ran cystrawen ac ystyr. O ran cystrawen, craidd y broblem yw wrth beth y dylid cydio tripheth. Os cydir ef wrth sy raid (64), fel yr ymddengys yn naturiol, chwithig yw cael y ferf arall gawn (65) yn dilyn, a dau yn unig o’r tripheth a grybwyllir, sef Gwledd Dduw a’th arglwyddïaeth – onid ystyrir Sain Siors o rym (65) fel y cyntaf ohonynt, ond mwy naturiol yw hwnnw fel sangiad neu gyfosodiad. Ond gellid cydio tripheth wrth gawn – ‘tripheth a gawn’ – a chydio sy raid wrth syr fel y cyntaf o’r tripheth a hwnnw’n rhagflaenu’r ferf Gawn a’r ddau beth arall. Os dehonglir syr sy raid yn alwad am urddo Talbod yn farchog, roedd Talbod eisoes wedi derbyn yr anrhydedd hwnnw (gw. 29n). Gellid dehongli’r geiriau hefyd i olygu na wna dim byd llai na marchog urddol y tro, gan ragdybio bod Talbod eisoes yn farchog o’r fath, er yr ymddengys hynny’n llai tebygol. Ond pa fodd bynnag y dehonglir y llinellau hyn, erys problem arall, sef pwy yw [G]wilym (gw. isod). Dylid ystyried y posibilrwydd fod llinellau 63–4 yn gwpled crwydr o gerdd arall i ryw Wilym (y math o beth na fyddai’n anghyson â theithi llawysgrif BL 14967), eithr os felly, dichon nad llinellau 61–2 a ragflaenai llinellau 65–6 yn wreiddiol, ond rhyw linellau coll.
63 tripheth Cf., e.e., GLl 5.1 Tripheth, mawr y’u trahoffir.
63 Gwilym Ni wyddys at bwy y cyfeirir. Yn GGl 76, 328 cymerodd Ifor Williams mai gwrthrych y cywydd ydoedd a chyfeiria at ryw ‘William Talbot’ y dywedir yn Evans 1995: 22, 140–1 (nodyn 65) ei fod yn aelod o gomisiwn er sicrhau heddwch. Ond fel y dangosodd Lloyd (1939–41: 126), ac fel y dengys tystiolaeth y cywydd ei hun, ni all hynny fod (yn GGl2 76, 328, cywirwyd y camgymeriad gan roi Siôn yn lle Wiliam Talbod). Os nad noddwr y gerdd a olygir, gellid dadlau bod Guto, am ryw reswm, yn troi am ennyd i gyfarch rhywun arall yn ei gynulleidfa, ond ni wyddys pwy fuasai’r Gwilym hwn. Posibilrwydd arall yw mai cyffelybu Siôn Talbod i rywun o’r enw y mae’r bardd. Ai Gwilym Goncwerwr (cofier mai i Sais y cyflwynwyd y gerdd) neu efallai ewythr Siôn, William Talbod, a fu farw yn 1426 (gw. Pollard 1983: 11)?
64 syr Roedd Talbod yn farchog (gw. 29n), a’r tebyg yw mai ato ef y cyfeirir yma, onid oedd y Gwilym a enwir uchod yn farchog hefyd.
64 Sain Siors Nawddsant Lloegr, a merthyr, gw. ODCC3 667–8.
66 gwledd Dduw Yn y nefoedd.
Llyfryddiaeth
Evans, H.T. (1995), Wales and the Wars of the Roses (second ed., Stroud)
Lloyd, J.E. (1929–31), ‘The Personal Name Ankaret’, B v: 380
Lloyd, J.E. (1939–41), ‘Gwaith Guto’r Glyn’, B x: 126–7
Lloyd, J.E. (1939), A History of Wales (third ed., London)
Pollard, A.J. (1983), John Talbot and the War in France 1427–1453 (London)
On first impressions it is not obvious to whom Guto addressed this majestic poem (GGl 328; GGl2 328; Lloyd 1939–41: 126). Its patron is named as Meistr Talbod ‘Master Talbot’ (line 15), Arglwydd Talbot ‘Lord Talbot’ (50) and Talbod (62), yet his first name is unclear. Towards the end of the poem Guto refers to one [d]ieiddil Wilym ‘staunch Gwilym’ (63), but as a Gwilym or William Talbot cannot be identified as a son of an earl of Shrewsbury, this must be understood as a reference to another individual of that name who was either a contemporary of the patron or a famous historical figure. At the beginning of the poem an Arglwydd Siôn ‘Lord John’ (2) is named, yet it is unclear whether Guto is referring to his patron or to his patron’s father, for in the next couplet he declares Yr aer ych chwi ‘you’re the heir’ (4). The likely explanation is that Arglwydd Siôn is a reference to both the son and the father together as they both shared the same name, for the patron was [m]ab iarll Amwythig the ‘son of the earl of Shrewsbury’ (7), and there were three earls of Shrewsbury named John in Guto’s time: John Talbot, the first earl (c.1387–1453); John Talbot, the second earl and the first earl’s son (c.1413–60); John Talbot, the third earl and the second earl’s son (1448–73).
Succession over more than one generation is a significant theme in the poem. Guto discusses the father thus (9–14):
D’arglwydd dad, diwyrgledd dur,
Dysg wrthaw, dwywisg Arthur.
Ym mlaen Lloegr mal un llygad
I heddychu Cymru y’i cad;
Arddodd Ffrainc ac Iwerddon,
Urddas yw i’r ddwyoes hon.
‘Your father the lord, unswerving sword of steel,
learn from him, Arthur’s weaponry doubled.
Before England as one leader
was he obtained to pacify Wales;
he tamed France and Ireland,
distinction is he for these two ages.’
Within a few lines Guto expands this theme with three couplets in which he praises the loyalty of three successive generations (the patron, his father and his grandfather) to three kings named Henry (Henry IV, Henry V and Henry VI) (17–22):
Cywir fu dy daid cyoedd,
Cadw Harri o Dderbi ’dd oedd.
Cywir dy dad, gariad gŵr,
I Ging Harri gwncwerwr.
Cywir wyd, ni a’i credwn,
Cywir i Harri hir yw hwn.
‘Your illustrious grandfather was loyal,
supporting Henry of Derby.
Your father, men’s affection, was loyal
to King Henry the conqueror.
You are loyal, we believe this,
loyal to tall Henry is this man.’
To which three generations is Guto referring? It is argued here that Guto’s patron was John Talbot, second earl of Shrewsbury, son of John Talbot the first earl and grandson of Richard Talbot. This seems more likely than the other option, namely that Guto composed his poem for John Talbot, third earl of Shrewsbury, son of the second earl and grandson of the first.
Guto declares that his patron’s father had fought for England in order to heddychu Cymru ‘pacify Wales’, and it is strongly suggested that he also fought extensively in both France and Ireland. It was John Talbot, first earl of Shrewsbury, who excelled as a warrior in these three countries, for he fought in Wales (against Owain Glyndŵr, 1404–9), in Ireland (1414–19, 1424–5, 1446–7) and in France intermittently from 1419 to the end of his life. The same cannot be said of his son, the second earl, who was made chancellor of Ireland (1445–8) and an advisor to the prince in Wales (1457), offices which kept him away from the battlefield. Furthermore, it is unlikely that he ever went to France. Even after allowing for the use of poetic hyperbole in matters of military might, it is unlikely that Guto would have dared to suggest that the second earl had ‘tamed’ (13 arddodd) both France and Ireland.
Guto notes that his patron’s grandfather had been loyal to Henry IV, yet Richard Talbot, grandfather of the second earl, died in 1397, two years before Henry IV was crowned in 1399. Richard’s son, John Talbot the first earl, on the other hand, fought extensively under Henry IV. However, what was arguably in the forefront of Guto’s mind was the fact that both his patron and his patron’s father had served two kings named Henry. It is unlikely that he had much interest in the details of the grandfather’s connections with a third king named Henry – it was enough that Richard Talbot had lived at the same time as Harri o Dderbi ‘Henry of Derby’ (notice that Guto does not say ‘king Henry’). No doubt Guto’s aim was to emphasize the fact that at least three generations of the family had supported the Lancastrian cause (Pollard 1983: 7):
The Talbot family had long-established connections with the house of Lancaster. The first and second lords had been followers of Thomas of Lancaster in the reign of Edward II and the second had assisted Henry of Lancaster and Edward III against Roger Mortimer in 1330. The third Lord … served with John of Gaunt in Spain, where he died in 1387. [Richard Talbot] died in 1396, but his family of young children was well placed to benefit from the Lancastrian usurpation in 1399.
Furthermore, if Guto was indeed referring to three John Talbots (the first, second and third earl) in connection with three king Henrys, he would undoubtedly have made use of that notable coincidence. Guto (and poets in general) often made extensive use of numerical analogies and patterns, therefore it is remarkable that he would ignore the obvious correspondence between three men named John Talbot and three kings named Henry. Its absence strongly suggests that Guto was in fact referring to Richard Talbot and two John Talbots (the first and second earls).
The poem falls into four parts. In the first (1–14), Guto hails John Talbot as the heir, drawing attention to his splendid pedigree and urging him to emulate his father in pacifying Wales and serving in France and Ireland. In the second part (15–32), Guto urges his patron to continue his father’s work. He states how loyal his father and grandfather were to the Crown and expresses the hope that John Talbot too will be loyal to Henry VI. He describes him as barwn ar y nasiwn ‘a baron over the nation’ (23), Carw ymlaen Brytaen a’i braich ‘A nobleman before Britain and her strength’ (25), and names his estates and titles. In the third part (33–56), Talbot’s Welsh descent from the Lord Rhys and Llywelyn ab Iorwerth is emphasised, but while noting that he has doethineb Lloegr ‘England’s wisdom’ (42) in him too. He is praised as a wise judge, a soldier of renown and supporter of men, and he is asked to back Wales – bydd drosom ‘Be for us’ (47). In the final part (57–66), Guto speaks of Talbot’s work in the March trying to establish order by military means, and asks for his assistance in Wales as well.
This poem can be read as a heartfelt appeal by Guto to a powerful and influential figure in England who upheld order and stability and was loyal to the king. With Talbot controlling the turbulent March, Guto holds forth the hope that he will bring the same order and stability to a Wales plagued by lawlessness. In this connection one is reminded of a poem that Llawdden composed to Sir Walter Devereux of Webley and Bodenham, calling on him to restore order to the region of Rhwng Gwy a Hafren (GLl poem 25). The same message, for that matter, is again seen in Guto’s poem to Edward IV regarding Wales, which was presented possibly in June 1473 (poem 29). Like Edward, Talbot is not likely to have been a Welsh speaker, therefore it is possible that an interpreter, if not the poet himself, explained the words to him before or after the performance.
Date
As the patron is not referred to as an earl (cf. 15 Meistr ‘Master’), it is highly likely that the poem was composed before he came into his inheritance. Some of the Talbots’ main lands and titles are referred to, namely Ffwrnfal ‘Furnival’, Sieffild ‘Sheffield’, Siffnal ‘Shifnal’ and Blagmer ‘Blakemere’ (26–32), yet it seems that Guto does so in anticipation of the heir’s eventual possession of his father’s wealth. After all, he is described as [m]ab iarll Amwythig, the ‘son of the earl of Shrewsbury’. It is very likely, therefore, that the poem was composed before 1453, when John Talbot, the first earl of Shrewsbury, died. The low percentage of cynghanedd groes supports an early date (see below). Guto describes his patron as Arglwydd tir … / Sieffild ‘Lord of the land of Sheffield’ (27–8), which may be a reference to the fact that he lived in Sheffield from c.1437 onwards. It is difficult to further date the poem as little is known about the first forty years of Talbot’s life, yet it should be noted that he was made chancellor of Ireland in March 1445. As Guto does not mention this office, and instead refers to the first steps of a young man in the legal profession (41–6), it is likely that the poem was composed between c.1437 and the beginning of 1445.
The manuscripts
The poem has been preserved, complete or incomplete, in five copies written between the second quarter of the sixteenth century and the nineteenth century. The earliest text, BL 14967, is the source of all the other texts and forms the basis of the edited text. Its readings are mostly good but it may also be incomplete.
Previous edition
GGl poem XXVIII.
Metre and cynghanedd
Cywydd, 66 lines.
Cynghanedd: croes 44% (29 lines), traws 24% (16 lines), sain 27% (18 lines), llusg 5% (3 lines).
3 a’r ail er pan fu Rolant Another way of ordering the words is A’r ail Rolant er pan fu ‘and the second Roland since the first’. Rolant was the hero of the battle of Roncesvalles in the Charlemagne cycle of tales.
4 aer The heir of John Talbot, first earl of Shrewsbury.
4 ych A variation on ywch, the second person plural present indicative tense of the verb bod (‘be’) (see GPC 3749 s.v. ych2).
8 llin o’r brenin Cf. Pollard (1983: 8) on the patron’s father: ‘He was a rich and powerful peer of the realm, from old noble stock, linked closely by family tradition and personal ties to the Lancastrian dynasty.’
13 arddodd ‘He tamed’. Note the figurative sense of the verb (from aredig ‘to plough’) here.
14 dwyoes hon The dual form dwyoes ‘two ages’ is treated as a singular noun; cf. GLlGt 2.6n.
15 meistr This may be a word used apropos of young men (such as the subject of the poem); cf., e.g., Llawdden’s poem of praise to Sir Roger Vaughan of Hergest and his three young sons, where the same term is used for the last, GLl 20.57–9.
15 The line is a syllable short unless Meistr ‘Master’ is pronounced as two syllables (i.e. meister).
17 taid Richard Talbot.
18 Harri o Dderbi Henry Bolingbroke, i.e. Henry IV, third earl of Derby of the second creation.
19 gŵr Maybe it is ‘men’ that is meant rather than any particular man; cf. the expression cywydd gŵr ‘poem for a man’.
20 Cing Harri gwncwerwr Henry V.
22 Harri hir Henry VI, who was tall and slender of body, not Henry VII as stated in GGl2 329, see Lloyd 1939–41: 126.
24 brawdwr ‘Judge’. The fact that Talbot was appointed chancellor for the Crown in Ireland in 1445 suggests that he had received training in the governmental and legal professions. Cf. 43–6 Da yw’r farn od ai i’r fainc, / Dewi barwniaid ieuainc. / Atebion Salmon y sydd / I’th ben, a’i gyfraith beunydd ‘Good is your judgement if you attend a court of law, St David of young barons. The replies of Solomon are on your lips, and his law every day.’
24 obry Cf. 44a.54 A’i gribwraig yn Lloegr obry ‘and his carding-maid in England below’. Words such as fry ‘above’ and draw ‘yonder’ occur throughout the poetry and frequently it appears that their function is to assist in forming the cynghanedd or filling a line rather than to denote a geographical feature. It is nonetheless possible that obry has a geographical significance in these examples since England is literally lower than mountainous Wales (as John Talbot was an Englishman, it would be natural for Guto to associate him with the land of England).
25 Brytaen On the sense ‘Britain’, see GLM 404; GLGC 667. It is virtually synonymous here with nasiwn (23).
26 Ffwrnfal The title of Baron Furnival was inherited by John Talbot, first earl of Shrewsbury, through his marriage to Maud Neville daughter of Thomas Neville, Baron Furnival, see DNB Online s.n. Talbot, John (first earl of Shrewsbury).
28 Sieffild Talbot lived in Sheffield, Yorkshire, from c.1437 onwards, where he made his first will in 1446.
28 Offa The powerful and able king of Mercia in England from 757 to 796, who erected the famous dyke between Wales and England, see Lloyd 1939: 197–202.
29 marchog aur Talbot was knighted in 1426.
30 Siffnal Shifnal, Shropshire, which was in Talbot’s possession.
32 Blagmer Blakemere, by Whitchurch, Shropshire, which entered the possession of the Talbot family by the marriage of Ankaret (Angharad) Lestrange to Richard Talbod, see Lloyd 1929–31: 380; 1939–41: 126.
34 Gwydris Goodrich Castle in southern Herefordshire which belonged to the Talbot family, see Pollard 1983: 10.
34 gwaed o Rys Gryg Rhys Gryg was the son of the Lord Rhys (40n Arglwydd Rys), and died in 1234, see NCLW 635. He was one of Talbot’s ancestors, see John Talbot.
36 nai Gwladus Du Gwladus Ddu daughter of Llywelyn Fawr (see below) was one of Talbot’s ancestors, see John Talbot.
37–8 Llywelyn ab Iorwerth / Drwyndwn Namely Llywelyn Fawr (‘the Great’) ab Iorwerth Drwyndwn, prince of Gwynedd (1173–1240), see NCLW 372. He was Gwladus Ddu’s father (see above).
39 prins Gwynedd See above.
40 yw’r ail I.e. the second figure which is in the insael ‘inseal’ (39) of Talbot. Cf. a discussion of the heraldic arms of the family of Talbot, earls of Shrewsbury, in DWH ii: 537: ‘Richard Talbot, son of Gilbert Talbot and Gwenllian ferch Rhys Mechyll ap Rhys Gryg, changed his arms between 1280 and 1301 from Or, five bendlets Gules, to the arms attributed to the princes of Deheubarth (South Wales), that is: Gules, a lion rampant and a bordure indented Or, and it is thought that this change was made to express their heirship of this branch of that house.’
40 Arglwydd Rys Rhys ap Gruffudd (1132–97), the greatest of the princes of Deheubarth, see NCLW 634–5.
41 glain The mutated form of clain, apparently. No examples later than the fourteenth century are listed in GPC 489.
42 doeth Its natural position would be at the beginning of the line.
43–6 Da yw’r farn … / … / … a’i gyfraith beunydd ‘Good is his judgement and his law every day’, see 24n.
44 Dewi On Guto’s fondness of using this name for his patrons, see 44.58n.
45–6 atebion Salmon … / … a’i gyfraith A reference to Solomon son of David, who was considered to be a paragon of wisdom, see TYP3 497. He was also famous as a judge, see 1 Kings 3.16–28, 7.7.
48 bugail … bygwl ‘Shepherd … instiller of fear’. Note the oxymoron, cf. Guto’s poem for Matthew Gough, 3.24.
49 cydredeg Apparently what is meant is that Talbot is running or moving with his soldiers in an attack on the enemy. However, could it be that what is really meant here is a concourse between him and the enemy, i.e. a clash? This meaning is not listed in GPC 667 but could be extracted naturally enough from the original one.
51 cyrs One of the plural forms of cors in the sense ‘corsen’, ‘reed’, see GPC 566 (2). On its sense in this context, cf. GLGC 154.57–8 Harnais wych fal rhew neu sêr / ydiw’r cyrs i doi’r cwrser ‘The reeds are a magnificent harness like ice or stars to cover the courser’. Apparently a covering made of reeds on the horse’s back is meant.
52 cwrseriaid The plural form of cwrser, a borrowing from English coursere ‘courser’, see GPC 649.
53 saeled A steel helmet. Guto composed a poem to request a sallet from Wiliam Rodn on behalf of Dafydd Bromffild, see poem 73.
53 trwydded ruddaur Talbot welcomes his guests by giving them red gold.
54 glyn Ysgót Apparently this is a reference to Talbot’s dealings with Scotland or to military service there. Is the glyn ‘glen’ a particular place in Scotland or another way of referring to the country, as being full of glens? Another possibility is that glyn is the third person singular present indicative tense of the verb glynu (i.e. glŷn). If so, then the sense would appear to be that the Scots cling to him, i.e. are loyal to him.
54 lownsgae A borrowing from English launcegai ‘lancegay’, see GPC 2069. (The word was opaque to Ifor Williams in GGl2 329.)
55 annedd Cystennin Lloyd (1939–41: 126–7) suggests that Welsh Bicknor, by Goodrich, is meant, adding that its name in Welsh is Llangustennin.
57 Mars On the turmoil in the March in the fifteenth century generally, see GLl 11.
58 teirsir ‘Three counties’, in the March, in all likelihood (see above).
61 tau wŷr The lenition of gwŷr ‘men’ can be attributed to the effect of a verb expressing a wish hidden in the expression teiroes yt ‘three lives to you’ (i.e. ‘(may there be) three lives to you’). If the lenition is attributed to the adjective tau (‘your soldiers’), it follows that three lives are wished for the soldiers as well, but that would be awkward both in sense and syntactically. The words cannot be construed as a nominal sentence (‘yours are the soldiers …’) as gwŷr would not normally be lenited in such a construction.
62 pum trafod rhyfel On the expression trafod rhyfel ‘to wage war’, cf. HCLl XLII.41 Er bod yn trafod rhyfel ‘although I have been waging war’. The number pum ‘five’ should probably not be taken literally, but as an expression denoting plenty.
63–6 These lines are difficult both in syntax and sense. Syntactically, the nub of the problem is with what tripheth ‘three things’ should be taken. If it is taken with sy raid ‘are needed’ (64), as appears natural, it is strange to find the other verb Gawn ‘we’ll have’ (65) following, and only two of the tripheth are mentioned, namely Gwledd Dduw a’th arglwyddïaeth ‘God’s feast and his authority’ – unless Sain Siors o rym ‘mighty St George’ (65) is considered the first of them, but that is more natural as a sangiad or appositional phrase. On the other hand, tripheth could be taken with gawn – ‘tripheth a gawn’ (‘we shall have three things’) – and sy raid ‘are needed’ could be taken with syr ‘Sir’ as the first of the three things and preceding the verb gawn and the two other things. However, if syr sy raid is interpreted as a call to knight Talbot, Talbot had already received that honour (see 29n). These words could also be interpreted to mean that nothing less than a dubbed knight will do, on the presupposition that Talbot is already one, although that appears less likely. But however these lines are interpreted, there remains another problem, namely the identity of [G]wilym (see below). The possibility should be considered that lines 63–4 are a stray couplet from another poem to some Gwilym (which would not be out of character for BL 14967), but if so, it is possible that lines 65–6 were not preceded originally by lines 61–2, but by some lost lines.
63 tripheth Cf., e.g., GLl 5.1 Tripheth, mawr y’u trahoffir ‘Three things are greatly liked.’
63 Gwilym His identity is unknown. In GGl 76, 328 Ifor Williams assumed that he was the subject of the poem and refers to a ‘William Talbot’ who is said in Evans 1995: 22, 140–1 (note 65) to have been a member of a commission to establish peace. But as Lloyd (1939–41: 126) showed, and as the poem itself shows, that cannot be the case (in GGl2 76, 328, the mistake was corrected and John substituted for William Talbot). If it is not the patron of the poem that is meant, it could be argued that Guto, for some reason, is turning aside for a moment to address somebody else in the gathering, but it is not known who that Gwilym might have been. Another possibility is that Guto is comparing John Talbot to someone of the name. Was it William the Conqueror (it should be remembered that the poem was addressed to an Englishman) or maybe John’s uncle, William Talbot, who died in 1426 (see Pollard 1983: 11)?
64 syr Talbot was a knight (see 29n), and it is likely that it is he who is addressed here. Otherwise, Guto may be referring to the unidentified Gwilym above.
64 Sain Siors Patron saint of England, and a martyr, see ODCC3 667–8.
66 gwledd Dduw In heaven.
Bibliography
Evans, H.T. (1995), Wales and the Wars of the Roses (second ed., Stroud)
Lloyd, J.E. (1929–31), ‘The Personal Name Ankaret’, B v: 380
Lloyd, J.E. (1939–41), ‘Gwaith Guto’r Glyn’, B x: 126–7
Lloyd, J.E. (1939), A History of Wales (third ed., London)
Pollard, A.J. (1983), John Talbot and the War in France 1427–1453 (London)
Canwyd cerdd 78 i Siôn Talbod, ail iarll Amwythig, yr unig gerdd iddo a oroesodd.
Achres
Seiliwyd yr achres isod ar WG1 ‘Gruffudd ap Cynan’ 4, ‘Rhys ap Tewdwr’ 8; Cokayne 1887–98: 608–20; DNB Online s.n. John Talbot (‘first earl of Shrewsbury’), John Talbot (‘second earl of Shrewsbury’), William de Briouze. Dangosir mewn print trwm y rheini a enwir yng nghywydd Guto, a thanlinellir enw ei noddwr.
Achres Siôn Talbod, ail iarll Amwythig
Nodir yn achresi Bartrum fod Matilda’n ferch i ŵr o’r enw Reginald Brewys. Nid yw’n eglur ai’r un gŵr ydoedd â gŵr cyntaf Gwladus Ddu ferch Llywelyn Fawr, nac ychwaith a oedd Matilda’n ffrwyth yr uniad hwnnw, ond hynny sydd debycaf. Roedd gan Talbod hanner brodyr a hanner chwiorydd o ail briodas ei dad â Margaret Beauchamp, sef John, Humphrey, Lewis, Eleanor ac Elizabeth.
Ei yrfa
Crynhoir isod yr wybodaeth a geir yn DNB Online s.n. John Talbot (‘second earl of Shrewsbury’). Roedd noddwr Guto’n fab i’r enwog Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig (c.1387–1453), a enillodd fri fel rhyfelwr ffyrnig ym mlynyddoedd olaf y Rhyfel Can Mlynedd (arno, gw. ibid. s.n. John Talbot ‘first earl of Shrewsbury’; Pollard 1983). Ni ellir cymharu gyrfa’r mab ag eiddo ei dad o ran milwriaeth, ond chwaraeodd yr ail iarll ran flaenllaw yng ngwleidyddiaeth Prydain yn ystod blynyddoedd cyntaf cythryblus Rhyfeloedd y Rhosynau. Cafodd ei urddo’n farchog yn 1426 a phriododd ag Elizabeth ferch James Butler, pedwerydd dug Ormond, yn 1445. Fe’i penodwyd yn ganghellor y Goron yn Iwerddon o 1445 i 1448 ac o c.1450 ymlaen. Ac yntau’n Lancastriad fel ei dad a’i daid, bu’n gymharol weithgar yn ei wrthwynebiad i’r Iorciaid o 1453 ymlaen ac yn ŵr amlwg yng nghwrt Harri VI. Ef oedd trysorydd Lloegr o 1456 i 1458 ac roedd yn gynghorydd i dywysog Cymru yn 1457. Yn yr un flwyddyn fe’i gwnaethpwyd yn aelod o Urdd y Gardas, ac roedd yn brif ynad swydd Gaer yn 1459. Bu farw’n ymladd ym mhlaid y Goron yn erbyn yr Iorciaid ym mrwydr Northampton ar 10 Gorffennaf 1460, ac fe’i claddwyd ym mhriordy Worksop yn swydd Nottingham.
Nid oedd perthynas Talbod a’i dad yn arbennig o agos. O 1434 ymlaen aeth Siôn Talbod, iarll cyntaf Amwythig, ati i drefnu ei ewyllys er mwyn rhoi ffafriaeth i’w ail wraig, Margaret ferch Richard Beauchamp, dug Warwick, ac i’w plant. O ganlyniad, roedd perygl y byddai Siôn Talbod, ei fab hynaf o’i briodas gyntaf, yn colli rhannau helaeth o’i etifeddiaeth. Ond pan fu farw’r iarll cyntaf yn 1453, llwyddodd Talbod i gadw ei afael ar ei etifeddiaeth lawn. Diddorol yw ystyried cywydd Guto yng ngoleuni’r anghydfod rhwng y tad a’r mab, oherwydd y tebyg yw ei fod yn perthyn i’r cyfnod c.1437–45, pan oedd ymdrechion y tad i rannu ei waddol rhwng ei feibion ar eu hanterth. Neilltuir chwe llinell o fawl i’r tad yn y gerdd, a chyngor Guto i’r mab mewn perthynas â’i dad yw Dysg wrthaw (78.9–14). Tybed pa mor barod oedd Talbod i dderbyn y cyngor hwnnw?
Llyfryddiaeth
Cokayne, G.E. (1887–98), The Complete Peerage, vol. XII (London)
Pollard, A.J. (1983), John Talbot and the War in France, 1427–1453 (London)